TAIPEI — April marked the 30th anniversary of the Taiwan Relations Act, one of the most successful pieces of legislation in the history of U.S. foreign policy.

The TRA provides the stability for Taiwan and Asia to economically develop. It also supports the security of Taiwan by enabling the U.S., upon consultation between the president and Congress, to sell defensive weapons to Taiwan and come to Taiwan's defense.

U.S. congressional bipartisan support appears to remain strong for the TRA, and the Obama White House will continue support for the island. The TRA also has provided the security for the Taiwan government to ease tensions with mainland China, something that is welcome across the board.

However, there is a growing military imbalance between the two parties, which could threaten this new sense of peacefulness, according to former U.S. ambassador to China Winston Lord.

China's military budget has repeatedly increased by double-digit figures in recent years, and China still maintains as many as 1,400 missiles aimed at Taiwan. On the other hand, Taiwan's military is experiencing a budget cut, reduced quality in training and aging of its combat aircraft — all while downsizing to an all-volunteer force targeted at approximately 250,000. China's People's Liberation Army has 2.3 million under arms.

The key to maintaining a high level of U.S. congressional and popular support for Taiwan is the continual refinement of its democracy. With freedom of speech, popular election of public officials, and Asia's most developed two-party system, Taiwan is a highly successful example of how a once-authoritarian state can transform into a vibrant democracy.

Nevertheless, concern is growing about the polarization of Taiwan society and the growing frequency with which those in Taiwan refer to their society as an "M" society — one with a diminishing middle class, a growing number of poor, and a certain number of wealthy who are becoming wealthier.

Politically, Taiwan is more polarized between the opposition Democratic Progressive Party and the ruling Kuomintang (Nationalist Party). There is a lack of a political center in Taiwan. Simply put, the DPP does not support rapprochement with the mainland for fear that Taiwan will lose its sovereignty and hope for future de jure independence; the KMT supports eventual unification with mainland China and is actively promoting further economic integration.

This disparity has led to large-scale DPP street demonstrations, with more promised. Political observers in Taiwan are especially concerned about this, given the civil unrest gripping Thailand. Fortunately, owing to the democratization of the military since 1989, even the most anti-government observers discount the possibility of military intervention into politics.

Given the disarray, one wonders if Taiwan will remain a viable two-party system. The KMT controls the presidency, the legislature and most local government positions. A despondent key DPP insider said that if the party retains the six local government positions it now holds in the upcoming local elections, it will be doing well.

The party is plagued by a lack of finances and the lingering negative image of former president and DPP chairman Chen Shui-bian, who is in jail facing corruption charges. Moreover, the party lacks a center of gravity because of the strong factionalism between the more pragmatic wing of the party versus the strongly doctrinaire pro-Taiwan independence wing of the party.

"Taidu" (Taiwan independence) has no chance of succeeding in the near future, and as long as those advocating that position within the party persist, the DPP will remain out of power. The DPP needs to focus more on economic issues and transform itself into a British-style labor party, which represents the interests of those economically less fortunate.

Reach Bill Sharp at (Unknown address).

Bill Sharp, a freelance writer who teaches East Asian politics at Hawai'i Pacific University, is president of Sharp Research and Translation, LLC. Reach him at wsharp@campus.hpu.edu.